The Trump effect and the normalization of hate in Quebec

En raison de la qualité de l’article, nous le relayons intégralement, simplement.

an article by Catherine Solyom, Montreal Gazette

 

There was a time when Daniel Gallant would get up in the morning looking for his first fight.

“I decided to show my dedication to the movement by committing an assault every day for a year,” said the former white supremacist, listing off his weapons of choice: his fists, a beer stein, a car door, billy clubs, a hockey stick.

There was a time when Daniel Gallant got up in the morning looking for his first fight. "I decided to commit one assault a day, to show allegiance to my group," said the former white supremacist, listing off his weapons of choice: his fists, a hockey stick, a car door, a beer stein, steel-toed boots.
There was a time when Daniel Gallant got up in the morning looking for his first fight. “I decided to commit one assault a day, to show allegiance to my group,” said the former white supremacist, listing off his weapons of choice: his fists, a hockey stick, a car door, a beer stein, steel-toed boots. extremedialogue.com / –

Now Gallant, 41, who has turned the Swastika tattoo on his stomach into a raven, is trying to prevent others from following in his steel-toed boot steps down the same violent path.

His job just got tougher with the election of Donald Trump, he says.

David Duke, the former “imperial wizard” of the Ku Klux Klan who was running for the senate in Louisiana, was among the first to congratulate Trump on his election night victory, claiming some of the credit for his campaign.

Duke himself lost, but hours later, the KKK marched on the streets of North Carolina. They are planning a “victory parade” Dec. 3.

If anyone thought Trump, now elected, would distance himself from his more extreme backers, they will have to think again: Trump just named his campaign chief Steve Bannon –  the founder of the alt-right website Breitbart, and widely seen as racist, misogynist and anti-semitic – as his chief strategist and “senior counsellor.”

Then came Front National Leader Marine Le Pen, up for election in France next year, proclaiming with Trump’s election a “new world order.”

Trump’s promises to ban Muslims from the U.S. and build a wall to keep out Mexicans, among other anti-immigrant proposals, have been cheered by far-right groups across Europe.

In Canada, while ultranationalist groups also revel in Trump’s win, Gallant and others are warning police and governments to start paying more attention — a lot more attention — to the Trump effect moving north, and the signs that far-right ideology is becoming part of the new normal here, too.

Hate crimes on the rise in Quebec and Montreal

At first glance the presence of white nationalist groups in Quebec seems almost farcical. A dozen white men in matching black T-shirts marching with Quebec flags onto the Plains of Abraham in Quebec City recently to declare “Terroristes à mort, Islam dehors” (Death to terrorists, Islam out!)

The Montreal outing in February of PEGIDA Quebec, a group inspired by its much more popular namesake in Europe (PEGIDA is the German acronym for the European Patriots Against the Islamization of the West), was shouted down by anti-racists within minutes.

But what little research has been done on far right-groups in Quebec and Canada suggests they are more prevalent than we think, and seem to be growing.

A study released in February by academics Barbara Perry, of the University of Ontario Institute of Technology, and Ryan Scrivens, from Simon Fraser University, notes that these groups are constantly changing, splintering and reforming under new leadership, making it difficult to keep track of them.

1111-city-hate-gr1

 

It’s a moving target,” says Perry, a professor in the Faculty of Social Science and Humanities at UOIT, who enlisted police forces across the country to participate in the research, as well as current and former members of far right groups.

“But especially in the last couple of years we believe there is both change and growth — law enforcement and former members with their ears to the ground suggest there are more groups and larger groups, in hot spots across the country.”

There are now an estimated 100 groups across Canada, including 20 to 25 in Quebec — each with 15 to 100 members.

Perry says the neo-Nazi skinhead movement in particular is thriving in Quebec, as opposed to elsewhere in Canada, largely thanks to the skinhead music scene.

Aurélie Campana, a professor at Université Laval, has also written about the variety of skinhead groups in the province, which include political parties, music bands, forums and websites, and of their motivations: from the preservation of Quebec identity to the promotion of violence toward immigrants.

1111-city-hate-gr3One of the more prominent ultranationalist groups is the Fédération des québécois de souche, whose founder, Maxime Fiset, was convicted for disseminating hate propaganda in 2009. Fiset has since renounced the far-right, but those who took his place welcomed Trump’s election.

“After the Brexit, here’s the election of Donald Trump,” read one post on the FSQ website. “With such a wave, we can hope for the election of Marine Le Pen in 2017!”

Perry says the groups are thriving under an “enabling climate” — with the divisive discourse of the Charter of Values in Quebec, and some of the policies of former Prime Minister Stephen Harper nationally, especially after the terrorist attacks on Parliament Hill and in St-Jean-sur-Richelieu. She cited the government’s focus during the last federal election campaign on banning niqabs from citizenship ceremonies, and using rhetoric that links immigration and terrorism.

“There’s a correlation,” she said. “In (far-right) blogs, Tweets and Facebook sites, we see the comments made that are favourable (to these policies), shining a light on (former Parti Québécois leader) Pauline Marois, the Charter and even Harper. The perception among white supremacists is that they’re on their side.”

There’s also a correlation with the spike in reported hate crimes, Perry said, particularly with Islamophobic and anti-Semitic violence in Montreal and Toronto.

Data from the Quebec Public Safety Department and the Montreal police show the number of hate crimes has been rising significantly since May 2013, when the Charter was introduced.

By May 2015, hate crimes in the province had increased by 47 per cent. In Montreal, they had increased by 39 per cent.

1111-city-hate-gr2

Montreal police Commander Carolyn Cournoyer, responsible for the hate crimes and incidents unit established in May, points out that this increase may reflect Montrealers’ greater awareness of hate crimes, and greater trust in police to do something about them, rather than a huge spike in incidents.

“With more media attention paid to these kinds of crimes, people want to denounce them and get police to intervene,” Cournoyer said. “In 2017, we’ll be able to see whether there is more reporting or whether international events are really having an impact here.”

Muslim groups, however, have said these crimes are still under-reported.

Perry said the Sûreté du Québec has also been more proactive in dealing with far-right extremists, and encouraging the Muslim community to report more incidents.

“The SQ were among the most forthcoming and in tune to the idea that there was a right-wing extremist threat in the country and in Quebec,” Perry said. “They are more likely to be proactive and take it seriously when it occurs.”

But she also pointed out that hate crimes — including the vandalism of places of worship or attacks on veiled women on public transit, for example — are often perpetrated by individuals, not groups.

That’s what can make far-right extremism so unpredictable, and hence worrisome, she said.

“You don’t know when it’s coming or where it’s coming from,” Perry said. “That’s what we hear from the communities most often targeted. Many live in constant fear. And in communities where there’s an awareness of hate group activity — in Montreal or London, Ont. or Calgary, people are even more fearful.”

Gallant, who is now based in Kamloops, B.C., and is involved in anti-radicalization efforts, says another factor that may explain the increase in hate crimes is how “normal” the ideology has become.

It was normal for him, growing up in Alberta. There is still Canadian legislation in force — like the Indian Act, for example — that is reflective of white supremacist ideology, he says.

“In retrospect, I understand a lot of people believe all sorts of crazy things. That’s not necessarily abnormal. That’s real. What’s abnormal is the propensity for violence,” said Gallant who spent a decade with Neo-Nazi groups before an adoptive grandmother helped him change his ways. “I feel shame about what I fell into. But I don’t think I would have if it wasn’t so normal.”

The rise of the so-called “alt-right” in the U.S. — which has toned down the symbols and rhetoric of white supremacy to make it more mainstream, is also making it more appealing in Canada, he says.

The Soldiers of Odin, for example — founded in Finland with the express motive of creating fear in the Muslim community — have set up at least 12 new chapters in Western Canada in the last eight months, Gallant said. The Quebec chapter, les Soldats d’Odin, were among several anti-immigrant groups who marched in Quebec City last month.

“They are garnering huge public support by watering down the message and casting a wide net to allow as many people as possible into the organization.”

“The far right has gained a foothold in the public discourse, and now attacks the opposition as being politically correct “keyboard warriors” against freedom of expression … We’re creating a situation of normalizing it further and it will birth a whole new generation of the violent right wing.”

Countering far-right extremism

Gallant, who has a master’s in social work and is now finishing his law degree, says Section 13 of the Canadian Human Rights Act, repealed by the Harper government in 2013 in the name of freedom of expression, should be re-enacted.

Known as the hate speech provision, it allowed complaints to the federal Human Rights Commission for “the communication of hate messages by telephone or on the Internet.”

Victims could seek compensation through Section 13, but the provision also helped sideline neo-Nazis from the Internet, given the risk of having to pay compensation or end up in court.

The Federal Appeal Court found Section 13 to be constitutional, six months after it was repealed. In Quebec, an attempt to enact hate speech legislation last year also fizzled because of concerns for freedom of expression.

Gallant and Perry also want to see federal and provincial governments place more emphasis on terrorism of all kinds — jihadist and ultra right-wing.

Gallant was a witness in the trial of Peter Anthony Houston, who was convicted of planting a bomb in a First Nations reserve in B.C., but never charged with terrorism.

“If you’re not from the mainstream culture you’re a terrorist, but if you’re white it’s OK,” Gallant said. “So we have white privilege even for terrorism.”

Perry brought up the case of Justin Bourque, who in 2014, following his own anti-government ideology, killed three RCMP officers in Moncton, New Brunswick, sparking a two-day manhunt.

“They said it was terror but he wasn’t a terrorist,” Perry said. “The RCMP and CSIS think people like Bourque are not a threat to National Security,” Perry said. “But what stronger emblem of Canada is there than the RCMP?”

The reality is that law enforcement is not paying enough attention to this kind of threat, she says, even if there are far more incidents of right-wing extremism than Islamist extremism in Canada.

A study of the terrorism and extremism incident database, maintained by the Canadian Network for Research on Terrorism, Security, and Society, calculated that five people had been killed in 49 white supremacist incidents in Canada between 2001 and 2015, at least seven of them in Quebec.

“One officer told us ‘we know they’re here but until something happens we won’t do anything,’ ” Perry said. “They’re waiting for someone to be hurt or a mosque to be burned down.”

In the meantime, Gallant, through a non-profit group he started called Exit Canada, is doing prevention work with families, and trying to de-radicalize individuals, as is done with those at risk of joining Islamist groups.

More of that needs to be done, he says, off-line and online, especially as the alt-right in the U.S. and Canada has gained new legitimacy with Trump’s victory.

Perry and Scrivens’ study now seems prescient: “In a word, hate is increasingly “mainstream,” and thus increasingly legitimate,” they wrote. “In part, this has been accomplished by toning down the rhetoric, and doing away with the white robes and brown shirts. But it has also been accomplished by forging links with the ultimate authority: the state.”

Incidents of right-wing extremism in Quebec, 2000 to 2010

(adapted from Barbara Perry and Ryan Scrivens’ 2016 study Right Wing Extremism in Canada)

2000, Montreal, Qc: Neo-Nazi Sacha Montreuil beat Christian Thomas, 39, to death and was convicted of second degree murder. Adam Guerbuez was also arrested and charged with assault but was acquitted by a jury. ”

Aylin Otano-Garcia at age 15.
Aylin Otano-Garcia at age 15. The Garcia Family

2000, Chatham, QC: Two boys murdered 15-year old Aylin Otano-Garcia. The two classmates were charged with first-degree murder after they lured Otano-Garcia to a secluded sandpit and bludgeoned her to death. One of the boys responsible for planning the murder was fascinated by Adolf Hitler, claiming that he murdered the girl because he did not like immigrants.

2001, Montreal, QC: Neo-Nazi Steve Legault pleaded guilt to attacking an anti-racist at a courthouse during proceedings against his friend, who was facing charges for the beating death of Christian Thomas. Legault also attempted to attack an anti-racist in a separate case outside the Montreal courthouse in 1998.

Evens Marseille displays the wound he suffered when he was stabbed by two neo-nazis in eastend Montreal in 2002.
Evens Marseille displays the wound he suffered when he was stabbed by two neo-nazis in eastend Montreal in 2002. John Kenney / Montreal Gazette

2002, Montreal, QC: Evens Marseille, a 26-year-old Haitian man, was beaten and stabbed by two neo-Nazis outside of a bar. Daniel Laverdière and Remi Chabot-Brideault were responsible for the attack. Laverdière was on probation for mischief during the time of the incident, and was described in court as a “hard-core neo-Nazi extremist.” He was also a member of the Vinland Front Skinheads, whose members came to the trial to support him. Laverdiere was sentenced to four years for aggravated assault, and was ordered by the Quebec Human Rights Tribunal to pay Marseille $35,000 in moral damages and $10,000 in punitive damages. Chabot-Brideault was given a one-year conditional sentence, which was served at home, and he was forbidden from associating with “skinheads” for three years.

2003, Montreal, QC: Jean-Sébastian Pressault, a notorious white supremacist, was arrested and charged in 2003 with wilfully promoting hatred through a racist website that he built and managed. While on bail, he threatened to kill the judge who was presiding over his case if he was given an exemplary sentence. Police searched Pressault’s home and discovered a loaded gun, and he was charged with threatening the judge and procuring a firearm.

2006, Île Perrot, QC: 18-year-old Renaud Emard, known as “necro99” on Stormfront, was arrested on weapons charges after being investigated for making racist threats on the Internet and posting pictures of himself posing with guns. After police raided his home, 20 firearms and other weapons were uncovered. Hate literature, an ethnic cleansing manual, and a hit list featuring the names of schoolmates were also discovered. Emard pleaded guilty to possession of a prohibited weapon and five counts of careless storage of firearms.

2008, Montreal, QC: Neo-Nazi Julien-Alexandre LeClerc, 20, and a male youth attacked several people in a series of racially motivated assaults. Initially, a group of seven young Arab men were confronted by the pair, in which racial insults were directed at them. Two Arab men were then stabbed, and one required multiple blood transfusions and 50 stitches in his head. The perpetrators fled in a cab, and hurled racist slurs at the Haitian cab driver. They also punched him, and smashed his windshield. They later attacked a second cab driver who was of Arab origin. Both LeClerc and the minor were sentenced to two years in closed custody for aggravated assault, assault and possession of a weapon for the purpose of dangerous to public peace.

CORRECTION: An earlier version of this report listed Adam Guerbuez as one of three people responsible for beating Christian Thomas to death in 2000. In fact, Guerbuez was arrested and charged with assault causing bodily harm, but was acquitted by a jury.

csolyom@postmedia.com

Twitter.com/csolyom

Source: http://montrealgazette.com/news/national/the-trump-effect-and-the-normalization-of-hate

Pour une commission d’enquête publique partagée sur la surveillance policière des journalistes ET des activistes politiques

Déclaration commune diffusée à l’initiative de Pascal Dominique-Legault, candidat au doctorat au département de sociologie de l’Université Laval

***

Face à la répression, la solidarité est notre arme!

declaration-commune-commission-denquete

Pour une commission d’enquête publique partagée sur la surveillance policière des journalistes et des activistes politiques

 

Québec, le 16 novembre 2016

ATTENDU QUE la Charte des droits et libertés de la personne et le Code de déontologie policière du Québec interdisent, chacun à sa façon, les actes fondés sur des convictions politiques;

ATTENDU QU’en juillet 2015, La Presse et Le Devoir révélaient que des documents internes de prise de décision problématiques du Service de police de la Ville de Montréal (SPVM) contenaient des détails qui laissaient croire à du profilage politique dans la mise en place de son projet GAMMA (Guet des activités des mouvements marginaux et anarchistes);

ATTENDU QU’une étude parue et une seconde étude à paraître de ces documents internes, concluent notamment que malgré qu’on ait légitimé GAMMA comme s’attaquant seulement à des « crimes » au SPVM, sa mise en place et ses moyens policiers ont également été fondées sur une problématisation de convictions politiques spécifiques (comme le positionnement antiautoritaire de groupes);

ATTENDU QUE d’autres documents internes du SPVM obtenus, révélés le 4 novembre dernier, par Le Devoir, démontrent que la haute direction du SPVM (son comité de direction de la Direction des opérations) a cautionné et autorisé le projet GAMMA en avril 2010 à partir de ces mêmes documents problématiques, et ce, à un point tel de décider d’y affecter des ressources d’enquête et de gendarmerie;

ATTENDU QUE cinq ans après la révélation publique de l’existence de GAMMA, au moins quatre plaintes officielles ont été déposées à la Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse et au Commissaire à la déontologie policière et que celles-ci n’ont jamais atteint le stade du déclenchement d’une seule enquête;

ATTENDU QUE la présente crise de confiance envers la police est alimentée par l’inaction des autorités politiques qui ne sont pas intervenues jusqu’à présent pour gérer ces sérieuses allégations de profilage politique;

ATTENDU QUE le gouvernement du Québec a annoncé, le 3 novembre dernier, qu’il instituera une commission d’enquête publique sur la liberté de la presse, y compris la protection des sources journalistiques, et l’indépendance des pouvoirs politiques, policiers et médiatiques;

ATTENDU QUE le Journal de Montréal révélait, le 1er novembre, qu’un membre de l’état-major du SPVM s’est adressé à une cinquantaine de hauts gradés du SPVM en avril dernier en lançant à ses collègues le mot d’ordre sans équivoque de la nécessité de « briser la culture du coulage » au SPVM. Et, le lendemain, La Presse révélait, dans l’affaire de la surveillance des journalistes par les policiers de la Sûreté du Québec, que l’ancien ministre de la Sécurité publique, Stéphane Bergeron, avait demandé au Directeur général de la SQ de l’époque, Mario Laprise, des comptes sur les fuites de l’enquête « Diligence ». Et que, le 7 novembre, La Presse révélait, dans l’affaire de la surveillance policière du journaliste Patrick Lagacé, que ce dernier aurait été enquêté et surveillé par la police suite à une fuite concernant un constat d’infraction impliquant l’actuel maire de Montréal, Denis Coderre, qui aurait communiqué directement avec le chef de police de l’époque, Marc Parent;

ATTENDU QUE ces événements posent, tout comme l’affaire GAMMA (sanctionnée par la haute direction du SPVM), la question commune de l’autorisation ou du cautionnement (plus ou moins actif et formel) de cibles de surveillance inappropriées, vraisemblablement illégales, discriminatoires et dérogatoires (allant des journalistes, aux mouvements marginaux et anarchistes), et ce, aux plus hautes instances des corps policiers québécois et, dans certains cas, des instances politiques;

ATTENDU QU’il n’existe toujours pas une volonté des autorités qui contrôlent les opérations policières d’acquérir la connaissance et l’information sur la nature des opérations justement nécessaires pour un contrôle efficace des opérations policières (Rapport Keable, 1981);

ATTENDU QU’il n’existe toujours pas de mécanismes de contrôle des opérations policières québécoises indépendants et continus qui permettent d’efficacement surveiller les opérations policières, en temps réel et opportun, dans les domaines où les citoyens sont le plus susceptibles d’être lésés (les enquêtes policières, le renseignement, la lutte antisubversive, les mesures d’urgence, le contrôle des foules, etc.) (Rapport Keable, 1981);

ATTENDU QUE nous dénonçons toute criminalisation et stigmatisation de la dissidence et de nos opinions, comme nous dénonçons toute forme de profilage politique, social et racial;

Nous, soussignés, demandons au gouvernement du Québec :

D’élargir le mandat de la commission d’enquête publique qui sera instituée sur la surveillance policière des journalistes au Québec afin qu’il porte également sur la surveillance des activités politiques des mouvements perçus marginaux et anarchistes sur la base des moyens policiers adoptés dans le cadre de la problématisation de convictions politiques cautionnée et autorisée par la haute direction dans le projet GAMMA;

De s’assurer qu’un volet de la commission d’enquête publique aborde les processus plus larges de cautionnement et d’autorisation de ces cibles inappropriées et, vraisemblablement illégales, discriminatoires et dérogatoires (des journalistes jusqu’aux mouvements marginaux et anarchistes), et ce, aux plus hautes sphères;

De s’assurer qu’un volet de la commission d’enquête publique aborde et recommande des mécanismes de contrôle des opérations policières québécoises indépendants et continus, pour protéger les citoyens qui sont le plus susceptibles d’être lésés par les opérations policières québécoises, et ce, tant les journalistes, les activistes politiques, les mouvements marginaux et anarchistes, que les gens susceptibles d’être victimes de profilage ponctuel ou systémique;

***

Cosignataires de la déclaration

 

Organisations

Association des juristes progressistes (AJP)

Coalition contre la répression et les abus policiers (CRAP)

Convergence des luttes anticapitalistes (CLAC-Montréal)

Fédération de la CSN-Construction

Fédération étudiante collégiale du Québec (FECQ)

Mouvement autonome et solidaire des sans-emploi (MASSE)

Secours Rouge du Canada (section Québec)

Table régionale des organismes communautaires de la Montérégie (TROC-M)

 

Individus

André C. Drainville, professeur de sociologie à l’Université Laval

Céline Bellot, professeure de service social à l’Université de Montréal, Directrice de l’Observatoire sur les profilages racial, social et politique

Francis Dupuis-Déri, professeur de science politique à l’UQAM, membre de l’Observatoire sur les profilages.

Marco De Fabrizio, président du C.A, L’En-Droit de Laval

Marcos Ancelovici, professeur de sociologie à l’UQAM, Chaire du Canada de recherche en sociologie des conflits sociaux. 

Marie-Hélène Arruda, coordonnatrice du Mouvement autonome et solidaire des sans-emploi (MASSE)

Michel Seymour, professeur de philosophie, Université de Montréal.

Pascale Dufour, professeure de science politique à l’Université de Montréal, membre de l’Observatoire sur les profilages.

Rémi Bachand, professeur de sciences juridiques, UQAM.

Samir Shaheen-Hussain, MD CM, FRCPC, professeur de médecine, Université McGill, clinicien, Division of Pediatric Emergency Medicine,  Hôpital de Montréal pour enfants.

**********

Déclaration commune diffusée à l’initiative de Pascal Dominique-Legault, candidat au doctorat au département de sociologie de l’Université Laval

**********

Secours Rouge Québec

Face à la répression, la solidarité est notre arme!

 

Source: https://profilages.info/2016/11/16/pour-une-commission-denquete-publique-partagee-sur-la-surveillance-policiere-des-journalistes-et-des-activistes-politiques/

Pour une commission d’enquête publique partagée sur la surveillance policière des journalistes ET des activistes politiques

Secours Rouge Québec

Proposition de déclaration commune

 

Québec, le ___ novembre 2016

 

ATTENDU QUE la Charte des droits et libertés de la personne et le Code de déontologie policière du Québec interdisent, chacun à sa façon, les actes fondés sur des convictions politiques;

ATTENDU QU’en juillet 2015, La Presse et Le Devoir révélaient que des documents internes de prise de décision problématiques du Service de police de la Ville de Montréal (SPVM) contenaient des détails qui laissaient croire à du profilage politique dans la mise en place de son projet GAMMA (Guet des activités des mouvements marginaux et anarchistes);

ATTENDU QU’une étude parue et une seconde étude à paraître de ces documents internes, concluent notamment que malgré qu’on ait légitimé GAMMA comme s’attaquant seulement à des « crimes » au SPVM, sa mise en place et ses moyens policiers ont également été fondées sur une problématisation de convictions politiques spécifiques (comme le positionnement antiautoritaire de groupes);

ATTENDU QUE d’autres documents internes du SPVM obtenus, révélés le 4 novembre dernier, par Le Devoir, démontrent que la haute direction du SPVM (son comité de direction de la Direction des opérations) a cautionné et autorisé le projet GAMMA en avril 2010 à partir de ces mêmes documents problématiques, et ce, à un point tel de décider d’y affecter des ressources d’enquête et de gendarmerie;

ATTENDU QUE cinq ans après la révélation publique de l’existence de GAMMA, au moins quatre plaintes officielles ont été déposées à la Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse et au Commissaire à la déontologie policière et que celles-ci n’ont jamais atteint le stade du déclenchement d’une seule enquête;

ATTENDU QUE la présente crise de confiance envers la police est alimentée par l’inaction des autorités politiques qui ne sont pas intervenus jusqu’à présent pour adresser ces sérieuses allégations de profilage politique;

ATTENDU QUE le gouvernement du Québec a annoncé, le 3 novembre dernier, qu’il instituera une commission d’enquête publique sur la liberté de la presse, y compris la protection des sources journalistiques, et l’indépendance des pouvoirs politiques, policiers et médiatiques;

ATTENDU QUE le Journal de Montréal révélait, le 1er novembre, qu’un membre de l’état-major du SPVM s’est adressé à une cinquantaine de hauts gradés du SPVM en avril dernier en lançant à ses collègues le mot d’ordre sans équivoque de la nécessité de « briser la culture du coulage » au SPVM. Et, le lendemain, La Presse révélait, dans l’affaire de la surveillance des journalistes par les policiers de la Sûreté du Québec, que l’ancien ministre de la Sécurité publique, Stéphane Bergeron, avait demandé au Directeur général de la SQ de l’époque, Mario Laprise, des comptes sur les fuites de l’enquête « Diligence ». Et que, le 7 novembre, La Presse révélait, dans l’affaire de la surveillance policière du journaliste Patrick Lagacé, que ce dernier aurait été enquêté et surveillé par la police suite à une fuite concernant un constat d’infraction impliquant l’actuel maire de Montréal, Denis Coderre, qui aurait communiqué directement avec le chef de police de l’époque, Marc Parent;

ATTENDU QUE ces événements posent, tout comme l’affaire GAMMA (sanctionnée par la haute direction du SPVM), la question commune de l’autorisation ou du cautionnement (plus ou moins actif et formel) de cibles de surveillance inappropriées, présumément illégales, discriminatoires et dérogatoires (allant des journalistes, aux mouvements marginaux et anarchistes), et ce, aux plus hautes instances des corps policiers québécois et, dans certains cas, des instances politiques;

ATTENDU QU’il n’existe toujours pas une volonté des autorités qui contrôlent les opérations policières d’acquérir la connaissance et l’information sur la nature des opérations justement nécessaires pour un contrôle efficace des opérations policières (Rapport Keable, 1981);

ATTENDU QU’il n’existe toujours pas de mécanismes de contrôle des opérations policières québécoises indépendants et continus qui permettent d’efficacement surveiller les opérations policières, en temps réel et opportun, dans les domaines où les citoyens sont le plus susceptibles d’être lésés (les enquêtes policières, le renseignement, la lutte antisubversive, les mesures d’urgence, le contrôle des foules, etc.) (Rapport Keable, 1981);

ATTENDU QUE nous dénonçons toute criminalisation et stigmatisation de la dissidence et de nos opinions, comme nous dénonçons toute forme de profilage politique, social et racial;

Nous, soussignés, demandons au gouvernement du Québec :

D’élargir le mandat de la commission d’enquête publique qui sera instituée sur la surveillance policière des journalistes au Québec afin qu’il porte également sur la surveillance des activités politiques des mouvements perçus marginaux et anarchistes sur la base des moyens policiers adoptés dans le cadre de la problématisation de convictions politiques cautionnée et autorisée par la haute direction dans le projet

GAMMA;

De s’assurer qu’un volet de la commission d’enquête publique aborde les processus plus larges de cautionnement et d’autorisation de ces cibles inappropriées et présumément illégales, discriminatoires et dérogatoires (des journalistes jusqu’aux mouvements marginaux et anarchistes), et ce, aux plus hautes sphères;

De s’assurer qu’un volet de la commission d’enquête publique aborde et recommande des mécanismes de contrôle des opérations policières québécoises indépendants et continus, pour protéger les citoyens qui sont le plus susceptibles d’être lésés par les opérations policières québécoises, et ce, tant les journalistes, les activistes politiques, les mouvements marginaux et anarchistes, que les gens susceptibles d’être victimes de profilage discriminatoire ponctuel ou systémique;

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Déclaration commune diffusée à l’initiative de :

Pascal Dominique-Legault, Candidat au doctorat, Département de sociologie, Université Laval

pascal.dominique-legault.1@ulaval.ca

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Ont cosigné cette déclaration commune :

Organisations

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Individus

 

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PLATE-FORME du Secours Rouge/APAPC

COMME LA LUTTE RÉVOLUTIONNAIRE S’EST INTENSIFIÉE CES DERNIÈRES ANNÉES, NOUS SOUHAITONS METTRE SUR PIED UNE MISE À JOUR DE L’ORGANISATION DU SECOURS ROUGE QUÉBEC/CANADA.  COMME NOUS SOUTENONS LE SECOURS ROUGE/APAPC, NOUS PUBLIONS LEUR PLATE-FORME QUI FUT RÉDIGÉE EN 2001 PUIS MODIFIÉE EN 2008, MAIS QUI EST TOUJOURS EN VIGUEUR, AFIN DE JETER LES BASES DE LA DISCUSSION POUR UNE PLATE-FORME ORIGINALE POUR LE QUÉBEC ET LE CANADA.
 
 
Secours rouge du Canada


Plate-forme

 
 
1° Le Secours Rouge/APAPC se constitue dans le cadre strict du Programme pour le Secours Rouge International (SRI). Cette plate-forme constitutive particulière n’entend aucunement restreindre, élargir ou modifier d’une manière ou d’une autre le cadre de ce programme. Elle entend simplement spécifier les conditions particulières de naissance et de travail du Secours Rouge/APAPC.
 
2° Le Secours Rouge/APAPC se constitue comme section belge du SRI. Cependant, considérant la dispersion politique et matérielle des forces militantes, il ne prétend pas à être le seul comité de Secours Rouge du pays, et s’il s’emploiera à rassembler les forces militantes dans le cadre du Programme pour le SRI, il admettra sans difficulté l’éventualité de la constitution de comité de Secours Rouge en Belgique distinct de lui.
 
3° Le Secours Rouge/APAPC entend donc développer la solidarité communiste et prolétarienne face à toutes les formes de répression de classe. Ses activités seront centrées sur la Belgique tant en ce qui concerne les prisonniers révolutionnaires qu’en ce qui concerne la répression pour faits de lutte des classes (soutien aux ouvriers des Forges de Clabecq actuellement en procès) ou pour faits de solidarité internationaliste (soutien aux militants actuellement poursuivis pour leur aide aux sans-papiers).
 
4° Les formes de soutien que le Secours Rouge/APAPC entend apporter aux militant/es confrontés à la répression bourgeoise sont : 1. Rédaction de communiqués et d’adresses de solidarité ; 2. Organisation de manifestations, de meetings, et/ou de réunions publiques d’informations ; 3. Diffusion de tracts, d’affiches, publication de documents dans la presse des groupes et organisations qui s’associent au travail du Secours Rouge/APAPC ; 4. Aide financière et matérielle ; 5. Appel à la solidarité internationale via la Commission pour le SRI.
 
5° Le Secours Rouge/APAPC, en tant que membre du SRI, et dans le cadre du SRI, participera aux campagnes internationales de solidarité, s’emploiera à développer une relation privilégiée avec les prisonnier/es révolutionnaires, communistes, anarchistes, antifascistes, anti-impérialistes signataires de la ’Plate-forme du 19 juin 1999’, et veillera à célébrer de la manière la plus retentissante possible la Journée Internationale du Révolutionnaire Prisonnier.
 
6° Le Secours Rouge/APAPC pourra s’engager dans des campagnes internationales autres que celles organisées par le SRI, dans la mesure où elles sont conformes aux principes exposés dans le Programme pour le SRI. C’est ainsi que le Secours Rouge/APAPC participera aux initiatives internationales impulsées par l’IKM (le Comité contre les Prisons d’Isolement en Turquie), ou aux activités du Comité (international) de Soutien à la Résistance des Prisonniers Révolutionnaires.
 
7° Le Secours Rouge/APAPC est l’héritier de l’Association des Parents et Amis des Prisonniers Communistes en ce sens que l’APAPC se dissout dans le Secours Rouge/APAPC. Le Secours Rouge/APAPC hérite des archives, stocks de publications, fonds (compte ’Solidarité communiste’), boîte postale etc. de l’Association. Cependant, le caractère politique du Secours Rouge/APAPC étant nettement plus marqué que celui de l’Association, le passage des membres de l’Association au Secours Rouge/APAPC se fera sur base de décision individuelle. En effet, dans le cadre du Programme pour le SRI, et à la différence de l’ancienne Association qui admettait des engagements motivés par le seul attachement personnel envers tel ou tel prisonnier, le Secours Rouge/APAPC entend s’engager résolument sur le front de la lutte des classes.
 
8° L’expérience de l’Association et Parents des Amis des Prisonniers Communistes et de nombreux échos venant des prisons ayant démontré que cette activité correspond à un réel besoin, le Secours Rouge/APAPC continuera à publier et à envoyer gratuitement aux prisonnier/es le bulletin d’information APAPC*INFO (qui en est au 51ème numéro). Ce bulletin, réservé aux prisonnier/es, contient une revue de presse, des documents militants et une revue des revues faisant fonction de catalogue (les prisonnier/es pouvant demander l’envoi des revues au sommaire).
 
9° Les décisions du Secours Rouge/APAPC sont prise à la majorité simple des membres effectifs. Le mode de fonctionnement général du Secours Rouge/APAPC tendra aux règles du centralisme démocratique. En tant qu’organisation ’de masse’, il ne pourra s’agir que d’une tendance, mais il s’agira d’une tendance que chaque membre effectif veillera à développer.
 
10° Peut être admis comme membre effectif du Secours Rouge/APAPC toute personne satisfaisant aux conditions suivantes : 1. Accepter le Programme pour un SRI ; 2. Participer régulièrement aux réunions internes et aux activités publiques du Secours Rouge/APAPC ; 3. Etre en règle de cotisation. La cotisation des membres effectifs est de 10 euros par mois. Un membre effectif peut, s’il est empêché de participer à une réunion interne, mandater un autre membre effectif ou un membre sympathisant et lui confier sa voix aux délibérations. Un membre ne peut cependant cumuler plus de cinq voix ainsi mandatées. Un membre effectif absent d’une réunion interne peut aussi, sur un point précis, exprimer son vote par écrit.
 
11. Le Secours Rouge/APAPC compte, outre des membres effectifs, des membres sympathisants qui entendent soutenir moralement et matériellement son action. Les membres sympathisants participent occasionnellement, en fonction de leur disponibilité, aux activités publiques du Secours Rouge/APAPC (manifestations, meetings, etc.) ; le montant de leur cotisation est laissé à leur appréciation pourvu que cette cotisation soit régulière. Les membres sympathisants peuvent assister et intervenir aux réunions internes du Secours Rouge/APAPC, et peuvent être mandaté par un membre effectif absent à l’occasion d’un vote.
 
12° Les adhésions au Secours Rouge/APAPC se font sur une base individuelle. Cependant, des groupes et comités peuvent s’associer au Secours Rouge/APAPC. Ces groupes et comités s’engagent : 1. A soutenir moralement et matériellement l’activité du Secours rouge, et notamment à répercuter l’action du Secours Rouge/APAPC dans leur presse ; 2. A inviter leurs membres et sympathisants à contribuer à l’activité du Secours Rouge/APAPC soit à titre de membre effectif, soit à titre de membre sympathisant. Le Secours Rouge/APAPC invite les comités et groupes à s’associer dans ce cadre à ses activités.
 
Bruxelles, le 26 mai 2001 + Modifications au 16 juin 2008
Face à la répression
La solidarité est notre arme!

INDIA: Press Release January 2nd 2016 FREE SAIBABA!

Dr Saibaba

Press Release
January 2nd 2016

The Committee for the Defence and Release of Dr. GN Saibaba with Delhi University Teachers Association (DUTA) held a united protest in association with more than 40 organisations from all over Delhi and other states condemning the re-arrest of Dr. GN Saibaba and the charge of contempt of court on Arundhati Roy. Dr. Saibaba is a professor of English in Ram Lal Anand College of Delhi University and a democratic rights activist who has spoken for the rights of dalits, adivasis and oppressed masses for over twenty years and led a campaign against the state sponsored war codenamed Operation Green Hunt in Central India. He is also a man with 90% physical disability and moves in a wheelchair. Despite this, the Maharashtra Police has charged him under various sections of UAPA, declared him a “dreaded Maoist”, held him in the ‘anda’ cell of the Nagpur Central Prison for 14 months. During this time it has not been able to prove any of charges made against him. He was released on interim bail by the Bombay High Court in May 2015 on medical grounds as his health deteriorated rapidly inside jail, the muscle degenerated and he developed paralysis in his left hand and the prison condition aggravated his heart and spinal problems while adding to complications in his kidney. However, while he was undergoing treatment for life threatening ailments, the court order of 23rd December 2015 of the Nagpur Bench of the Bombay High Court cancelled his bail and alleged a ‘conspiracy’ to establish medical grounds. He was remanded back to Nagpur Central Jail within 48 hours, incidentally when the courts were on Winter Vacation, so that he would not be able to file against the order. This Single Bench Judgment also charged writer and activist Arundhati Roy with contempt of court for writing an article titled ‘Professor, P.O.W.’ in Outlook magazine in May 2015 seeking the release of Dr. GN Saibaba. This united protest in Jantar Mantar on the 2nd of January (Saturday) from 12 noon onwards saw the participation of parliamentarians, intellectuals, professors, students, cultural activists, workers, advocates, filmmakers and democratic rights activists from across political orientations.

The united protest was chaired by DUTA President Nandita Narain. She condemned the treatment meted out to Dr. Saibaba and as a member of the Committee for the Defence and Release of Dr. GN Saibaba, she urged all democratic voices to unite and assert the right to dissent. The protest meeting was addressed by D. Raja, Member of Parliament from Communist Party of India, who has been taking up the issue in parliament and vowed to continue doing so. He demanded the unconditional release of Dr. GN Saibaba and said, “We are not here to beg mercy from this state machinery. Dr. Saibaba has the legal right to be released. Holding him in prison amounts to subjecting him to torture.” He found the charge of conspiracy to release Dr. Saibaba on medical grounds made by the Nagpur Bench of the Bombay High Court highly deplorable and asserted that the judiciary doesn’t have the right to decide if people should speak or not. Ashok Bharti of NACDOR (National Confederation of Dalit Organisations) expressed his solidarity with Dr. Saibaba’s struggle and saw this as an attack on the dalits, adivasis and the most oppressed people of this country. He said, “The manner in which the State, the police and the judiciary is conspiring to keep him (Dr. Saibaba) in jail shows that the judiciary like all other state apparatuses is not representative of the vast majority of people.” Dr. Mrigank of CPIML (New Democracy) reiterated this point and said, “The illusion that the judiciary is independent has broken.” He found the treatment meted out to Dr. Saibaba by the Maharashtra police to be criminal. Filmmaker Sanjay Kak highlighted the case of Dr. Binayak Sen along with that of Dr. GN Saibaba. He found that, “It is clear that the state is afraid of all such voices like that of Binayak Sen and GN Saibaba who have relentlessly worked to expose the anti-people activities of the State in Central India before all of us.” He urged everyone to continue speaking out on the issues that the State hoped to suppress by arresting Dr. Saibaba. Vasantha, Dr. GN Saibaba’s partner, expressed the prolonged torment of living under the gaze of the police and media and the pain of watching Dr. Saibaba’s health deteriorate over the last three years. She said, “Despite the conditions in which we have had to struggle for speaking up against injustice in a country that calls itself a democracy, the solidarity of people from across the country keeps us strong.”
Ex-DUTA President and leader of DTF Shaswati Majumdar saw the arrest of Dr. Saibaba as an attack on democracy and conveyed the need for a united struggle for democratic rights. JNUSU President Kanhaiya Kumar expressed his solidarity with the campaign for the release of Dr. Saibaba and remarked at the motive behind arresting people like him. He found that “The State doesn’t want people who pose a mirror against their definition of nationhood and development to speak, be it with guns or with pens. And, attacking the intellectual contribution of people like Dr. Saibaba and Arundhati Roy is done with the motive of scaring all such voices that have been speaking out. Arjun Prasad Singh of PDFI found that whenever people raise their voice and lead struggles for the rights of the oppressed, the ruling establishment tries to crush such voices. He emphasised on the need for a united struggle as the only way forward to establish the right for democratic dissent. Leaders of workers unions spoke of the judgment on the Pricol case as well as the Maruti Suzuki struggle and marked the difference in the way the judiciary treats those who raise their voice against injustices to marginalised sections and those from affluent and powerful sections inflicting injustices. Several speakers from teachers unions in DU, JNU and AUD spoke in solidarity with Dr. Saibaba and demanded his immediate release. Student activists, cultural performers, and writers from Progressive Writers Association also expressed their solidarity and urged the need to carry the struggle forward.
All the participants in the united protest signed a joint statement demanding the immediate release of Dr. GN Saibaba and the quashing of the charge of contempt of court against Arundhati Roy. Meetings in solidarity with Dr. GN Saibaba and Arundhati Roy have taken place all over the country, especially in Andhra and Telangana, in Hyderabad, and his hometown Amalapuram. The Committee for the Defence and Release of Dr. GN Saibaba and all the organisations who have come together in solidarity vow to continue the struggle for the release of Dr. Saibaba and for the right to democratic dissent.

COMMITTEE FOR THE DEFENCE AND RELEASE OF DR. GN SAIBABA & Delhi University Teachers Association (DUTA) along with Aahwan: Ek Sanskritik Muhim, All India Students Association (AISA), All India Students Federation (AISF), Ambedkar University Delhi Faculty Association (AUDFA), Birsa Ambedkar Phule Students Association (BAPSA), Bhor, Bhagat Singh Chhatra Ekta Manch (BSCEM), Collective, Communist Party of India (CPI), CPIML (Liberation), CPIML (New Democracy), CPIML (New Proletariat), Disha, Democratic Students Federation (DSF), Democratic Students Union (DSU), Democratic Teachers Federation (DTF), Indian Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU), Inquilabi Mazdoor Kendra (IMK), Jawaharlal Nehru University Students Union (JNUSU), Jan Sanskritik Manch (JSM), Jamia Teachers Students Association (JTSA), Krantikari Naujawan Sabha (KNS), Krantikari Yuwa Sangathan (KYS), Lok Shikshak Manch (LSM), Marxwadi Vichar Manch, Morcha, New Socialist Initiative (NSI), Nowruz, Parivartankami Chhatra Sangathan (Pachhas), Peoples Democratic Front of India (PDFI), Prawasi Mazdoor Adhikar Parishad (PMAP), Resistance in Brush (RIB), Samajwadi Janparishad, Sangwari, Sanhati, Students Islamic Organisation (SIO-JNU), Students Federation of India (SFI), The New Materialists (TNM) and others.

Palestine : La détention administrative d’Abdul Razeq Farraj renouvelée, Lina Khattab libérée

 

Adbul Razeq Farraj, journaliste, directeur de l’Union des Comités de Travail Agricole et accusé d’être membre du FPLP est emprisonné sans procès ni inculpation depuis le 25 février 2014. C’est la quatrième fois que sa détention administrative est renouvelée par les autorités israéliennes.

De son coté, Lina Khattab, danseuse et étudiante qui avait été arrêtée le 13 décembre 2014 (voir notre précédent article) à l’occasion d’une manifestation de soutien avec les prisonniers politiques palestiniens (à l’occasion du 47ème anniversaire du FPLP) et accusée d’avoir lancé des pierres, a été libérée le 11 juin dernier. Elle a annoncé qu’elle étudiera le droit au lieu du journalisme après avoir vécu elle-même les conditions des prisonniers politiques palestiniens.

La libération de Lina Khattab.

 

linakattab

 

Source : http://www.secoursrouge.org/Palestine-La-detention-administrative-d-Abdul-Razeq-Farraj-renouvelee-Lina

UPDATED! – Mumia Abu-Jamal Needs Medical Care NOW!

In an unstoppable mobilization of solidarity, 414 supporters from around the world joined this Campaign and raised $21,720 in 14 days! When we launched the Campaign, we didn’t think we could raise more than $20,000. But the truth is that we need to raise double that to get Mumia the full medical care and legal assistance that he urgently needs. Please join us to defend Mumia’s life by helping his Medical and Legal fund reach $40,000, now!

Mumia is in a Medical Crisis

On March 30th, Mumia lost consciousness and was moved from SCI Mahanoy to the ICU unit at Schuylkill Medical Center. His blood sugar count was at 779: he was in diabetic shock. His sodium level was 160. Since January, Mumia has received inadequate and detrimental treatment for a severe case of eczema. His life threatening medical crisis continues and has now been labeled late-onset diabetes, which should have been identified and treated months ago.

We need your help to ensure he receives immediate medical care.

What Mumia Urgently Needs

We need to raise $40,000 immediately to:

  • Pay for lifesaving medical care from Mumia’s doctors who he wishes to consult with
  • Increase our legal and medical campaign to ensure Mumia and his family will be given all new information on Mumia’s condition
  • Obtain Mumia’s medical records for review (his records cost $1.50/page)
  • Cover costs for Mumia’s family, friends and core organizers as they travel to the Medical Center in Pottsville, PA and the prison in Frackville, PA
  • Cover legal fees for Mumia’s attorney

Please give $10, $25, $100 or even $1,000 now

Worldwide organizing successfully halted Mumia’s death row execution in 1995. Last October when Pennsylvania legislature passed SB 508 – the « Mumia Gag Law » – we vigorously fought for the right for prisoners to speak, and we presented our final arguments in court on March 30th- the same day Mumia fell dangerously ill. What we are seeing now, as Pam Africa said, is a « clear cut example of an attempted execution through medical neglect. »

If you care about Mumia and the right to medical dignity for prisoners, please contribute now and defend Mumia’s right to live, his family’s right to visit and view his medical records, and his doctors’ rights to provide proper and immediate treatment.

Once You’ve Donated, Please Take Action:

Upon being checked in at Schuylkill’s Intensive Care Unit, Mumia was shackled to the bed and isolated even though his family stood just outside the door. His family was denied medical updates and visitation rights. The movement’s phone-call mobilization successfully pressured prison and hospital officials to allow Mumia’s wife and brother to see him 20 hours later. We need to keep the pressure on to ensure that Mumia receives proper care. Here’s what you can do:

  • Demand Mumia’s immediate family can see him more than once per person per week by calling PA Department of Corrections John Wetzel (717-728-4109) and SCI Mahanoy (570-773-2158).
  • Share this campaign and encourage all of your networks- family, friends, comrades and coworkers to contribute and share
  • Stay updated on Mumia’s condition by checking back here and on Prison Radio’s Facebook and Twitter pages.

We’re asking you to contribute $100 or even $50 to fight for Mumia’s life, well-being and freedom- together. Please give now.

Thank you for being determined to defend Mumia’s life with us,

Wadiya Jamal, Mumia’s wife

Pam Africa, International Concerned Friends & Family of Mumia Abu-Jamal

Keith Cook, Mumia’s oldest brother

Bret Grote, Mumia’s Attorney (Abolitionist Law Center)

Noelle Hanrahan, Prison Radio

Suzanne Ross, NY Campaign to Bring Mumia Home

 

http://democracynow.org – Imprisoned journalist and former Black Panther Mumia Abu-Jamal has been taken to the Intensive Care Unit of Schuylkill Medical Center in Pottsville, Pennsylvania, after he was removed from prison for a medical emergency without any notification to his family, friends or lawyers. Prison officials told his supporters he is in diabetic shock. We get an update from Abu-Jamal’s longtime friend, Johanna Fernández who first discovered he was in the hospital Monday morning when she went to visit him in prison and was told he had been taken to the intensive care unit. Fernández is a history professor at Baruch College-CUNY, and one of the coordinators of the Campaign to Bring Mumia Home.

Listen to all Democracy Now! interviews with Mumia Abu-Jamal over the years in our online archive:
http://www.democracynow.org/appearanc…

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