Vous trouverez ci-après le reportage intégral du mass média Radio-Canada, d’où vous pouvez y visionner au moins deux (2) vidéos.
Le gouverneur de la Virginie, Terry McAuliffe, a fait état de trois morts dans le cadre du rassemblement suprémaciste qui a fait sombrer la ville étudiante de Charlottesville dans le chaos, samedi.
Un véhicule de marque Dodge Challenger a d’abord foncé de manière apparemment délibérée dans une foule composée, selon des témoins, de contre-manifestants hostiles au rassemblement d’extrême droite.
Une femme de 32 ans a péri.
Le conducteur a été identifié comme étant James Alex Fields Jr., un homme de 20 ans originaire de l’Ohio. Il a été arrêté et devrait faire face à une accusation de meurtre au deuxième degré.
Puis, en début de soirée, un pilote et son passager ont été tués dans l’écrasement d’un hélicoptère de la police d’État dans un secteur boisé situé à quelques kilomètres de Charlottesville.
La police de l’État a lié l’accident au rassemblement sans l’expliquer. Une enquête a été ouverte par le Bureau national de la sécurité des transports.
« Nous avons des gens qui sont venus ici pour provoquer la confusion, le chaos et le trouble, lesquels ont provoqué trois décès », a déclaré Maurice Jones, directeur municipal de Charlottesville, au cours d’une conférence de presse.
Trump lance un appel au calme
En conférence de presse au New Jersey, le président Donald Trump a condamné cette « démonstration odieuse de haine, de sectarisme et de violence ». Il a cependant tenu à souligner que « plusieurs camps » en sont responsables.
« Peu importe notre couleur, notre credo, notre religion ou notre parti politique, nous sommes tous Américains d’abord. »
Donald Trump, président des États-Unis
Le président américain a déjà prêté le flanc à la critique pour avoir mis du temps à condamner des actes haineux commis en son nom. Le maire de Charlottesville, Michael Signer, le met d’ailleurs en cause pour avoir ravivé les préjugés racistes lors de sa campagne présidentielle.
Plus tôt dans la journée, suprémacistes et contre-manifestants se sont échangé des coups de poing, se sont lancé des bouteilles d’eau et se sont pris les uns les autres pour cible avec des pulvérisateurs de produits chimiques. Des hommes vêtus d’uniformes de miliciens portaient aussi des armes à feu, mais aucun coup de feu n’a été tiré.
Le gouverneur McAuliffe a déclaré l’état d’urgence pour faciliter « la réponse de l’État à la violence ». Des policiers en tenue antiémeute ont ensuite ordonné à la foule de circuler.
Le dernier bilan de ces affrontements fait état de 35 blessés.
Le blogueur de droite Jason Kessler avait organisé ce rassemblement pour dénoncer la décision de la ville de retirer la statue du général Robert E. Lee, le dirigeant des forces des États confédérés lors de la guerre de Sécession.
Le blogueur a toutefois invité les participants à quitter la ville lorsque les autorités ont déclaré le rassemblement illégal.
La police disait s’attendre au déferlement de jusqu’à 6000 manifestants dans les rues de Charlottesville cette semaine.
Parmi eux devaient figurer des membres du KKK, des miliciens et des militants qui se réclament de l’« alt-right » – une idéologie qui incorpore généralement racisme, « nationalisme blanc » et populisme.
La Maison-Blanche a gardé le silence pendant de longues heures, samedi, à l’exception de la publication sur Twitter de la première dame, qui a déclaré qu’il faut « communiquer sans haine dans nos coeurs », même si « les États-Unis encouragent la liberté d’expression ».
Un rassemblement controversé de groupuscules de l’extrême droite américaine samedi en Virginie a viré au drame quand une voiture a foncé sur la foule des contre-manifestants antiracistes, faisant un mort et 19 blessés. Un accident apparemment intentionnel.
Selon divers témoins, les victimes étaient des contre-manifestants venus dénoncer la présence à Charlottesville de groupes de la droite radicale et identitaire américaine, dont le Ku Klux Klan et des néonazis.
Those of us who have followed Omar Khadr’s situation are profoundly shocked at the outrage expressed by some Canadians at the compensation Khadr has been awarded as a result of the shameful — and even criminal — treatment he suffered from the Canadian government(s). The negative reactions demonstrate some combination of ignorance of the facts of Khadr’s case and blatant racism.
The compensation has been awarded because of the many ways in which our government betrayed its obligations to Omar Khadr.
I wrote Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, Minister Ralph Goodale, and my own MP in support of the decision to apologize to Omar Khadr and pay him compensation.
As a Canadian of conscience, please take a few minutes to send your MP a letter that supports the government’s effort at justice for Omar Khadr to counter the reactions that do not reflect our values.
Find you MP and his/her address by following the instructions from the CJPME WEBSITE:
If you don’t already know who your Member of Parliament (MP) is, there are two steps to determining this.
First, determine what federal riding you are in. This can be done by entering your postal code into the Canadian Elections Website main page: http://www.elections.ca Once you have determined your riding, you can go to the Canada Parliament Website to determine your MP: http://www.parl.gc.ca After you have chosen your language preference, there is a link Members of Parliament in the center of the Parliament main page. When you click on this link, you will see all the members of parliament with their ridings indicated. Search on this page for your riding, and you will identify your MP.
The rule of law demands that there be a remedy – no government can act as if it is above the law. The reported settlement and apology recognizes this principle that is critical to the protection of everybody’s rights.
If you wish, please copy me so that I can share your support for justice with Omar Khadar, who must be devastated by the ugliness of so many of the responses.
You can access the very informative article BCCLA from July 5 here.
For those who are interested in more of the background, here are some of the details that came out:
Omar Khadr was born in Canada and at 9 years old, his father took him to Afghanistan.
Omar Khadr, when a child of 15 in Afghanistan, was found badly injured in a building the US had just (illegally) bombed in July 2002; one of Khadr’s eyes was injured and an initial photo showed his eyes covered with debris from the bombing. A US soldier was shot and killed when subsequently entering the building. The US took Omar into custody, making the incredible claim that he had committed a « war crime » by killing the soldier.
Later investigations indicated that 1) the US had hidden the initial report which noted that an Afghan soldier had also survived that bombing (who might have killed the solider before he was quickly murdered), and 2) a forensic test suggested that the US soldier could have been killed by friendly fire. Regardless of what happened, Khadr bore no responsibility for the soldier’s death.
Despite Omar’s injuries, he was sent to the torture center in Bagram, where « Monster » torturer, Damien Corsetti, was appalled at his youth, his condition and the way he was being treated. Despite Omar’s age, he was not only sent to Guantanamo, but placed in the worst part of the torture gulag.
Canadian agents assisted in Omar’s terrible treatment by working behind the scenes with his torturers. Omar’s father had been head of a charity with connections — like the Bush family — to Osama bin Laden, which interrogators used as the excuse for Omar’s torture.
In 2010, the US tried Khadr for the alleged killing of the US soldier — in a military court that was widely censured for not meeting standards of fairness. According to a 2010 op-ed by lawyer Audrey Maclin, one interrogator, who was later court martialed for his abuse of prisoners, began interrogating Khadr less than 12 hours after his discharge from a hospital when Khadr was still sedated and on a stretcher.
[The interrogator « 1 »] did remember that he and other interrogators had threatened Khadr by telling him a story about the rape and murder of a fictitious young Afghan by “four big black guys” in a U.S. prison.
But Interrogator 1 couldn’t recall if he had ever shone a bright light into Khadr’s eyes. He couldn’t remember forcing Khadr upright on his stretcher in order to cause him excruciating pain. He couldn’t recall setting barking dogs on Khadr while the teenager was hooded. He didn’t recall making Khadr stand for hours to inflict both physical pain and sleep deprivation, though he did acknowledge that sleep deprivation was a technique used at Bagram, and he had said under oath at his court martial that it was “the practice” to do it to new detainees.
Interrogator 1 didn’t deny using these or many other “non-traditional interrogation techniques” (the prosecution’s euphemism for torture and cruel, inhuman or degrading treatment), he just couldn’t recall one way or the other. …. It may well have been difficult for Interrogator 1 to recall specific details of what he did in the course of his “six-hour-a-day, seven-day-a-week” interrogations of Khadr.
The abuse of Omar Khadr was so apparent that at one point, every former Minister of Foreign Affairs signed a letter to Harper asking him to repatriate Omar Khadr. The government’s continued abuse of Khadr’s rights– until it was forced by the courts to respect them– will stand as one of the most shameful chapters in our government’s history.
L’homme abattu par le SPVM était en détresse psychologique Dérangeant pour le voisinage, Pierre Coriolan devait être expulsé samedi de son logement
«Pierre Coriolan, 58, was killed by the police this past Tuesday, and our hearts go out to his loved ones and family. He was in crisis because he was being evicted from his home. Witnesses say that he was lying on the ground when he was shot. We gather to honour his life, and all the Black lives that have been taken too soon by the SPVM including Bony Jean Pierre, Quilem Registre and Anthony Griffin.
We are coming together to denounce the police killings of black community members, and to say that police should have no role in responding to mental health crises. Alain Magloire, Abdirahman Abdi and Andrew Loku are only a few of the black men who have been killed by police who were responding to a mental health crisis.
We gather, too, to denounce the larger anti-black racism found in Montreal.
By saying that, since its Pride Month, we recognize that its important to give a voice to the Black trans community and to acknowledge the genocide against black queer women, specifically black trans women.
DRESS CODE: All Black Everything
Please respect the Dress Code as we are in mourning and facing so much Anti-Black racism in Quebec, especially in the past few days.
En raison de la qualité de l’article, nous le relayons intégralement, simplement.
an article by Catherine Solyom, Montreal Gazette
There was a time when Daniel Gallant would get up in the morning looking for his first fight.
“I decided to show my dedication to the movement by committing an assault every day for a year,” said the former white supremacist, listing off his weapons of choice: his fists, a beer stein, a car door, billy clubs, a hockey stick.
Now Gallant, 41, who has turned the Swastika tattoo on his stomach into a raven, is trying to prevent others from following in his steel-toed boot steps down the same violent path.
His job just got tougher with the election of Donald Trump, he says.
David Duke, the former “imperial wizard” of the Ku Klux Klan who was running for the senate in Louisiana, was among the first to congratulate Trump on his election night victory, claiming some of the credit for his campaign.
Duke himself lost, but hours later, the KKK marched on the streets of North Carolina. They are planning a “victory parade” Dec. 3.
If anyone thought Trump, now elected, would distance himself from his more extreme backers, they will have to think again: Trump just named his campaign chief Steve Bannon – the founder of the alt-right website Breitbart, and widely seen as racist, misogynist and anti-semitic – as his chief strategist and “senior counsellor.”
Trump’s promises to ban Muslims from the U.S. and build a wall to keep out Mexicans, among other anti-immigrant proposals, have been cheered by far-right groups across Europe.
In Canada, while ultranationalist groups also revel in Trump’s win, Gallant and others are warning police and governments to start paying more attention — a lot more attention — to the Trump effect moving north, and the signs that far-right ideology is becoming part of the new normal here, too.
Hate crimes on the rise in Quebec and Montreal
At first glance the presence of white nationalist groups in Quebec seems almost farcical. A dozen white men in matching black T-shirts marching with Quebec flags onto the Plains of Abraham in Quebec City recently to declare “Terroristes à mort, Islam dehors” (Death to terrorists, Islam out!)
The Montreal outing in February of PEGIDA Quebec, a group inspired by its much more popular namesake in Europe (PEGIDA is the German acronym for the European Patriots Against the Islamization of the West), was shouted down by anti-racists within minutes.
But what little research has been done on far right-groups in Quebec and Canada suggests they are more prevalent than we think, and seem to be growing.
A study released in February by academics Barbara Perry, of the University of Ontario Institute of Technology, and Ryan Scrivens, from Simon Fraser University, notes that these groups are constantly changing, splintering and reforming under new leadership, making it difficult to keep track of them.
It’s a moving target,” says Perry, a professor in the Faculty of Social Science and Humanities at UOIT, who enlisted police forces across the country to participate in the research, as well as current and former members of far right groups.
“But especially in the last couple of years we believe there is both change and growth — law enforcement and former members with their ears to the ground suggest there are more groups and larger groups, in hot spots across the country.”
There are now an estimated 100 groups across Canada, including 20 to 25 in Quebec — each with 15 to 100 members.
Perry says the neo-Nazi skinhead movement in particular is thriving in Quebec, as opposed to elsewhere in Canada, largely thanks to the skinhead music scene.
Aurélie Campana, a professor at Université Laval, has also written about the variety of skinhead groups in the province, which include political parties, music bands, forums and websites, and of their motivations: from the preservation of Quebec identity to the promotion of violence toward immigrants.
One of the more prominent ultranationalist groups is the Fédération des québécois de souche, whose founder, Maxime Fiset, was convicted for disseminating hate propaganda in 2009. Fiset has since renounced the far-right, but those who took his place welcomed Trump’s election.
“After the Brexit, here’s the election of Donald Trump,” read one post on the FSQ website. “With such a wave, we can hope for the election of Marine Le Pen in 2017!”
Perry says the groups are thriving under an “enabling climate” — with the divisive discourseof the Charter of Values in Quebec, and some of the policies of former Prime Minister Stephen Harper nationally, especially after the terrorist attacks on Parliament Hill and in St-Jean-sur-Richelieu. She cited the government’s focus during the last federal election campaign on banning niqabs from citizenship ceremonies, and using rhetoric that links immigration and terrorism.
“There’s a correlation,” she said. “In (far-right) blogs, Tweets and Facebook sites, we see the comments made that are favourable (to these policies), shining a light on (former Parti Québécois leader) Pauline Marois, the Charter and even Harper. The perception among white supremacists is that they’re on their side.”
There’s also a correlation with the spike in reported hate crimes, Perry said, particularly with Islamophobic and anti-Semitic violence in Montreal and Toronto.
Data from the Quebec Public Safety Department and the Montreal police show the number of hate crimes has been rising significantly since May 2013, when the Charter was introduced.
By May 2015, hate crimes in the province had increased by 47 per cent. In Montreal, they had increased by 39 per cent.
Montreal police Commander Carolyn Cournoyer, responsible for the hate crimes and incidents unit established in May, points out that this increase may reflect Montrealers’ greater awareness of hate crimes, and greater trust in police to do something about them, rather than a huge spike in incidents.
“With more media attention paid to these kinds of crimes, people want to denounce them and get police to intervene,” Cournoyer said. “In 2017, we’ll be able to see whether there is more reporting or whether international events are really having an impact here.”
Muslim groups, however, have said these crimes are still under-reported.
Perry said the Sûreté du Québec has also been more proactive in dealing with far-right extremists, and encouraging the Muslim community to report more incidents.
“The SQ were among the most forthcoming and in tune to the idea that there was a right-wing extremist threat in the country and in Quebec,” Perry said. “They are more likely to be proactive and take it seriously when it occurs.”
But she also pointed out that hate crimes — including the vandalism of places of worship or attacks on veiled women on public transit, for example — are often perpetrated by individuals, not groups.
That’s what can make far-right extremism so unpredictable, and hence worrisome, she said.
“You don’t know when it’s coming or where it’s coming from,” Perry said. “That’s what we hear from the communities most often targeted. Many live in constant fear. And in communities where there’s an awareness of hate group activity — in Montreal or London, Ont. or Calgary, people are even more fearful.”
Gallant, who is now based in Kamloops, B.C., and is involved in anti-radicalization efforts, says another factor that may explain the increase in hate crimes is how “normal” the ideology has become.
It was normal for him, growing up in Alberta. There is still Canadian legislation in force — like the Indian Act, for example — that is reflective of white supremacist ideology, he says.
“In retrospect, I understand a lot of people believe all sorts of crazy things. That’s not necessarily abnormal. That’s real. What’s abnormal is the propensity for violence,” said Gallant who spent a decade with Neo-Nazi groups before an adoptive grandmother helped him change his ways. “I feel shame about what I fell into. But I don’t think I would have if it wasn’t so normal.”
The rise of the so-called “alt-right” in the U.S. — which has toned down the symbols and rhetoric of white supremacy to make it more mainstream, is also making it more appealing in Canada, he says.
The Soldiers of Odin, for example — founded in Finland with the express motive of creating fear in the Muslim community — have set up at least 12 new chapters in Western Canada in the last eight months, Gallant said. The Quebec chapter, les Soldats d’Odin, were among several anti-immigrant groups who marched in Quebec City last month.
“They are garnering huge public support by watering down the message and casting a wide net to allow as many people as possible into the organization.”
“The far right has gained a foothold in the public discourse, and now attacks the opposition as being politically correct “keyboard warriors” against freedom of expression … We’re creating a situation of normalizing it further and it will birth a whole new generation of the violent right wing.”
Countering far-right extremism
Gallant, who has a master’s in social work and is now finishing his law degree, says Section 13 of the Canadian Human Rights Act, repealed by the Harper government in 2013 in the name of freedom of expression, should be re-enacted.
Known as the hate speech provision, it allowed complaints to the federal Human Rights Commission for “the communication of hate messages by telephone or on the Internet.”
Victims could seek compensation through Section 13, but the provision also helped sideline neo-Nazis from the Internet, given the risk of having to pay compensation or end up in court.
The Federal Appeal Court found Section 13 to be constitutional, six months after it was repealed. In Quebec, an attempt to enact hate speech legislation last year also fizzled because of concerns for freedom of expression.
Gallant and Perry also want to see federal and provincial governments place more emphasis on terrorism of all kinds — jihadist and ultra right-wing.
Gallant was a witness in the trial of Peter Anthony Houston, who was convicted of planting a bomb in a First Nations reserve in B.C., but never charged with terrorism.
“If you’re not from the mainstream culture you’re a terrorist, but if you’re white it’s OK,” Gallant said. “So we have white privilege even for terrorism.”
Perry brought up the case of Justin Bourque, who in 2014, following his own anti-government ideology, killed three RCMP officers in Moncton, New Brunswick, sparking a two-day manhunt.
“They said it was terror but he wasn’t a terrorist,” Perry said. “The RCMP and CSIS think people like Bourque are not a threat to National Security,” Perry said. “But what stronger emblem of Canada is there than the RCMP?”
The reality is that law enforcement is not paying enough attention to this kind of threat, she says, even if there are far more incidents of right-wing extremism than Islamist extremism in Canada.
A study of the terrorism and extremism incident database, maintained by the Canadian Network for Research on Terrorism, Security, and Society, calculated that five people had been killed in 49 white supremacist incidents in Canadabetween 2001 and 2015, at least seven of them in Quebec.
“One officer told us ‘we know they’re here but until something happens we won’t do anything,’ ” Perry said. “They’re waiting for someone to be hurt or a mosque to be burned down.”
In the meantime, Gallant, through a non-profit group he started called Exit Canada, is doing prevention work with families, and trying to de-radicalize individuals, as is done with those at risk of joining Islamist groups.
More of that needs to be done, he says, off-line and online, especially as the alt-right in the U.S. and Canada has gained new legitimacy with Trump’s victory.
Perry and Scrivens’ study now seems prescient: “In a word, hate is increasingly “mainstream,” and thus increasingly legitimate,” they wrote. “In part, this has been accomplished by toning down the rhetoric, and doing away with the white robes and brown shirts. But it has also been accomplished by forging links with the ultimate authority: the state.”
Incidents of right-wing extremism in Quebec, 2000 to 2010
(adapted from Barbara Perry and Ryan Scrivens’ 2016 study Right Wing Extremism in Canada)
2000, Montreal, Qc: Neo-Nazi Sacha Montreuil beat Christian Thomas, 39, to death and was convicted of second degree murder. Adam Guerbuez was also arrested and charged with assault but was acquitted by a jury. ”
2000, Chatham, QC: Two boys murdered 15-year old Aylin Otano-Garcia. The two classmates were charged with first-degree murder after they lured Otano-Garcia to a secluded sandpit and bludgeoned her to death. One of the boys responsible for planning the murder was fascinated by Adolf Hitler, claiming that he murdered the girl because he did not like immigrants.
2001, Montreal, QC: Neo-Nazi Steve Legault pleaded guilt to attacking an anti-racist at a courthouse during proceedings against his friend, who was facing charges for the beating death of Christian Thomas. Legault also attempted to attack an anti-racist in a separate case outside the Montreal courthouse in 1998.
2002, Montreal, QC: Evens Marseille, a 26-year-old Haitian man, was beaten and stabbed by two neo-Nazis outside of a bar. Daniel Laverdière and Remi Chabot-Brideault were responsible for the attack. Laverdière was on probation for mischief during the time of the incident, and was described in court as a “hard-core neo-Nazi extremist.” He was also a member of the Vinland Front Skinheads, whose members came to the trial to support him. Laverdiere was sentenced to four years for aggravated assault, and was ordered by the Quebec Human Rights Tribunal to pay Marseille $35,000 in moral damages and $10,000 in punitive damages. Chabot-Brideault was given a one-year conditional sentence, which was served at home, and he was forbidden from associating with “skinheads” for three years.
2003, Montreal, QC: Jean-Sébastian Pressault, a notorious white supremacist, was arrested and charged in 2003 with wilfully promoting hatred through a racist website that he built and managed. While on bail, he threatened to kill the judge who was presiding over his case if he was given an exemplary sentence. Police searched Pressault’s home and discovered a loaded gun, and he was charged with threatening the judge and procuring a firearm.
2006, Île Perrot, QC: 18-year-old Renaud Emard, known as “necro99” on Stormfront, was arrested on weapons charges after being investigated for making racist threats on the Internet and posting pictures of himself posing with guns. After police raided his home, 20 firearms and other weapons were uncovered. Hate literature, an ethnic cleansing manual, and a hit list featuring the names of schoolmates were also discovered. Emard pleaded guilty to possession of a prohibited weapon and five counts of careless storage of firearms.
2008, Montreal, QC: Neo-Nazi Julien-Alexandre LeClerc, 20, and a male youth attacked several people in a series of racially motivated assaults. Initially, a group of seven young Arab men were confronted by the pair, in which racial insults were directed at them. Two Arab men were then stabbed, and one required multiple blood transfusions and 50 stitches in his head. The perpetrators fled in a cab, and hurled racist slurs at the Haitian cab driver. They also punched him, and smashed his windshield. They later attacked a second cab driver who was of Arab origin. Both LeClerc and the minor were sentenced to two years in closed custody for aggravated assault, assault and possession of a weapon for the purpose of dangerous to public peace.
CORRECTION: An earlier version of this report listed Adam Guerbuez as one of three people responsible for beating Christian Thomas to death in 2000. In fact, Guerbuez was arrested and charged with assault causing bodily harm, but was acquitted by a jury.
Déclaration commune diffusée à l’initiative de Pascal Dominique-Legault, candidat au doctorat au département de sociologie de l’Université Laval
Face à la répression, la solidarité est notre arme!
Pour une commission d’enquête publique partagée sur la surveillance policière des journalistes et des activistes politiques
Québec, le 16 novembre 2016
ATTENDU QUE la Charte des droits et libertés de la personne et le Code de déontologie policière du Québec interdisent, chacun à sa façon, les actes fondés sur des convictions politiques;
ATTENDU QU’en juillet 2015, La Presseet Le Devoirrévélaient que des documents internes de prise de décision problématiques du Service de police de la Ville de Montréal (SPVM) contenaient des détails qui laissaient croire à du profilage politique dans la mise en place de son projet GAMMA (Guet des activités des mouvements marginaux et anarchistes);
ATTENDU QU’une étude parueet uneseconde étude à paraîtrede ces documents internes, concluent notamment que malgré qu’on ait légitimé GAMMA comme s’attaquant seulement à des « crimes » au SPVM, sa mise en place et ses moyens policiers ont également été fondées sur une problématisation de convictions politiques spécifiques (comme le positionnement antiautoritaire de groupes);
ATTENDU QUE d’autres documents internes du SPVM obtenus, révélés le 4 novembre dernier, par Le Devoir, démontrent que la haute direction du SPVM (son comité de direction de la Direction des opérations) a cautionné et autorisé le projet GAMMA en avril 2010 à partir de ces mêmes documents problématiques, et ce, à un point tel de décider d’y affecter des ressources d’enquête et de gendarmerie;
ATTENDU QUE cinq ans après la révélation publique de l’existence de GAMMA, au moins quatre plaintes officielles ont été déposées à la Commission des droits de la personne et des droits de la jeunesse et au Commissaire à la déontologie policière et que celles-ci n’ont jamais atteint le stade du déclenchement d’une seule enquête;
ATTENDU QUE la présente crise de confiance envers la police est alimentée par l’inaction des autorités politiques qui ne sont pas intervenues jusqu’à présent pour gérer ces sérieuses allégations de profilage politique;
ATTENDU QUE le Journal de Montréalrévélait, le 1er novembre, qu’un membre de l’état-major du SPVM s’est adressé à une cinquantaine de hauts gradés du SPVM en avril dernier en lançant à ses collègues le mot d’ordre sans équivoque de la nécessité de « briser la culture du coulage » au SPVM. Et, le lendemain, La Presserévélait, dans l’affaire de la surveillance des journalistes par les policiers de la Sûreté du Québec, que l’ancien ministre de la Sécurité publique, Stéphane Bergeron, avait demandé au Directeur général de la SQ de l’époque, Mario Laprise, des comptes sur les fuites de l’enquête « Diligence ». Et que, le 7 novembre, La Presserévélait, dans l’affaire de la surveillance policière du journaliste Patrick Lagacé, que ce dernier aurait été enquêté et surveillé par la police suite à une fuite concernant un constat d’infraction impliquant l’actuel maire de Montréal, Denis Coderre, qui aurait communiquédirectement avec le chef de police de l’époque, Marc Parent;
ATTENDU QUE ces événements posent, tout comme l’affaire GAMMA (sanctionnée par la haute direction du SPVM), la question commune de l’autorisation ou du cautionnement (plus ou moins actif et formel) de cibles de surveillance inappropriées, vraisemblablement illégales, discriminatoires et dérogatoires (allant des journalistes, aux mouvements marginaux et anarchistes), et ce, aux plus hautes instances des corps policiers québécois et, dans certains cas, des instances politiques;
ATTENDU QU’il n’existe toujours pas une volonté des autorités qui contrôlent les opérations policières d’acquérir la connaissance et l’information sur la nature des opérations justement nécessaires pour un contrôle efficace des opérations policières (Rapport Keable, 1981);
ATTENDU QU’il n’existe toujours pas de mécanismes de contrôle des opérations policières québécoises indépendants et continus qui permettent d’efficacement surveiller les opérations policières, en temps réel et opportun, dans les domaines où les citoyens sont le plus susceptibles d’être lésés (les enquêtes policières, le renseignement, la lutte antisubversive, les mesures d’urgence, le contrôle des foules, etc.) (Rapport Keable, 1981);
ATTENDU QUE nous dénonçons toute criminalisation et stigmatisation de la dissidence et de nos opinions, comme nous dénonçons toute forme de profilage politique, social et racial;
Nous, soussignés, demandons au gouvernement du Québec :
D’élargir le mandat de la commission d’enquête publique qui sera instituée sur la surveillance policière des journalistes au Québec afin qu’il porte également sur la surveillance des activités politiques des mouvements perçus marginaux et anarchistes sur la base des moyens policiers adoptés dans le cadre de la problématisation de convictions politiques cautionnée et autorisée par la haute direction dans le projet GAMMA;
De s’assurer qu’un volet de la commission d’enquête publique aborde les processus plus larges de cautionnement et d’autorisation de ces cibles inappropriées et, vraisemblablement illégales, discriminatoires et dérogatoires (des journalistes jusqu’aux mouvements marginaux et anarchistes), et ce, aux plus hautes sphères;
De s’assurer qu’un volet de la commission d’enquête publique aborde et recommande des mécanismes de contrôle des opérations policières québécoises indépendants et continus, pour protéger les citoyens qui sont le plus susceptibles d’être lésés par les opérations policières québécoises, et ce, tant les journalistes, les activistes politiques, les mouvements marginaux et anarchistes, que les gens susceptibles d’être victimes de profilage ponctuel ou systémique;
Cosignataires de la déclaration
Association des juristes progressistes (AJP)
Coalition contre la répression et les abus policiers (CRAP)
Convergence des luttes anticapitalistes (CLAC-Montréal)
Fédération de la CSN-Construction
Fédération étudiante collégiale du Québec (FECQ)
Mouvement autonome et solidaire des sans-emploi (MASSE)
Secours Rouge du Canada (section Québec)
Table régionale des organismes communautaires de la Montérégie (TROC-M)
André C. Drainville, professeur de sociologie à l’Université Laval
Céline Bellot, professeure de service social à l’Université de Montréal, Directrice de l’Observatoire sur les profilages racial, social et politique
Francis Dupuis-Déri, professeur de science politique à l’UQAM, membre de l’Observatoire sur les profilages.
Marco De Fabrizio, président du C.A, L’En-Droit de Laval
Marcos Ancelovici, professeur de sociologie à l’UQAM, Chaire du Canada de recherche en sociologie des conflits sociaux.
Marie-Hélène Arruda, coordonnatrice du Mouvement autonome et solidaire des sans-emploi (MASSE)
Michel Seymour, professeur de philosophie, Université de Montréal.
Pascale Dufour, professeure de science politique à l’Université de Montréal, membre de l’Observatoire sur les profilages.
Rémi Bachand, professeur de sciences juridiques, UQAM.
Samir Shaheen-Hussain, MD CM, FRCPC, professeur de médecine, Université McGill, clinicien, Division of Pediatric Emergency Medicine, Hôpital de Montréal pour enfants.
Déclaration commune diffusée à l’initiative de Pascal Dominique-Legault, candidat au doctorat au département de sociologie de l’Université Laval
Face à la répression, la solidarité est notre arme!